As
a junior officer I saw very little of King Fuw’ad (see
al-Hawashiy attached below),
though he occasionally condescended to address me through his military
aide. Fuw'ad, unlike Faruwq, had never bothered
to perfect his Arabic. He preferred to speak Turkish in private and French
in public. I now understand why my father habitually referred to the royal
family as "those Turks" or "those Albanians."
Fuw'ad
was a foreigner to Egypt. Once, when it was suggested that he refer
to himself as the King of Sudan as well as Egypt, he declined for
fear of annoying the British. He was content, he said, to be the `Umdah
of `Abdiyn".
By that he meant
that he was content to play the role that the British had assigned to him
as the first King of modern Egypt namely, to preside over the royal
palace and nothing more.
Before
he ascended the throne, Fuw'ad had been an impoverished playboy
who owed money to everyone. Once he became , however, he devoted himself
to saving as much money as he could. He never spent a piaster if he could
possibly avoid it. He gave nothing to charity, except on formal occasions,
and to my knowledge he once ordered the flogging of a Royal Guard who had
picked some dates from one of the palm trees in the garden of Bustan
Palace. In 1925, to save money, Fuw'ad even abolished
the free rations that had long been one of the perquisites of the officers
of the Royal Guards.
Queen
Nazliy((see
al-Hawashiy attached below),
on
the other hand, was a kindly person in spite of her many foibles. Once,
I remember, my mother and two of my sisters went to call on the Queen
by mistake. The wives and womenfolk of the Royal Guards had been invited
to a tea party on the occasion of the opening of Parliament. My mother
and sisters, instead of going to the Royal Guards' barracks, where they
should
have gone, went to `Abdiyn Palace itself, where they were admitted
to the Haramlik, the quarters reserved for the Queen
and her ladies in waiting. They were received by Rida Agha,
a tremendous Ethiopian, who was Fuw'ad's chief eunuch (an
office that
Faruwq happily abolished). Rida Agha
ushered them into the presence of the Queen, who did her best to
put them at their ease. They left as soon as they could, but not before
Nazliy
had presented them with gifts and announced that she would repay their
visit.

That
night my mother tearfully expressed the fear that I would be dismissed
from the Royal Guards in consequence of her faux pas. For
my part, I was afraid only of embarrassing the Queen if she called
at our modest house, which was in one of the less fashionable sections
of Cairo. My mother had used one of my visiting cards to identify
herself, and I assumed that the Queen had received her in the mistaken
impression that she was related to a certain Muhammad Nagiyb
who happened to be a Pasha. A few days later a police officer attached
to the palace called at our house to announce the impending arrival of
some of the Queen's ladies in waiting. I explained to the officer
that it was all a mistake and begged him to tender our apologies to the
Queen.
He must have done so, for her ladies in waiting never appeared.

I was
dismissed from the Royal Guards soon afterward, but not because of the
incident that I have just described. Two Sudanese friends of mine, Ahmad
Hasan
Mattar and `Arafat Muhammad `Abd Allah
both of whom were fellow members of the White Banner, had been arrested
on suspicion of complicity in the assassination of General Sir Lee Stack,
the Governor General of Sudan and the Commander in Chief of the
Egyptian Army. General Stack had been shot and mortally wounded
in Cairo on November 19, 1924. Three days later Viscount
Allenby issued an ultimatum that few Egyptians of my age have either
forgotten or forgiven.se
Appendix # nine).
Allenby
not only demanded an apology and the payment of a fine amounting to £500,000
(then
about $2,430,000); he also demanded the prohibition of political
demonstrations; the retention of the British financial, judicial, and other
advisers whom the Egyptian Government had decided to dismiss; and the withdrawal
from Sudan, which would henceforth have its own private Defense
Force, of all Egyptian troops. As a final punishment, Allenby abolished
the restrictions on irrigation that had hitherto been applied to the Giziyrah
area
above Khartuwm. Henceforth, instead of being allowed
to draw only enough water from the
White Nile to irrigate
300,000
acres, the British controlled Giziyrah project would be free
to draw all the water it could use, regardless of the needs of farmers
in Lower Egypt.
Like
most Egyptians, I sincerely regretted Stack's assassination, and
I was thoroughly in favor of punishing everyone who was in any way responsible
for the crime. At the same time I resented Allenby's ultimatum,
for I felt that he had used the incident as a pretext for exacting concessions
that he had no right to demand. I was so indignant, in fact, when I learned
that my friends had been arrested, that I went to call on them at the
Bab al-Khalq Prison. I was sure they were innocent, but,
though they were later acquitted, the mere fact that I had visited them
in my Royal Guards uniform aroused so much suspicion that I was confined
to my quarters when I returned to `Abdiyn Palace.
`Aliy,
who was also a member of the Royal Guards at the time, telephoned to ask
me what had happened. I was afraid to tell him over the telephone,
but I later sent a mutual friend to ask him to hide my personal papers.
I was afraid of being arrested myself, but my only punishment in the end
was to be dismissed from the Royal Guards.
As
the Qur’an says, "It may be that you dislike a thing
while it is good for you, and it may be that you love a thing while it
is evil for you; and Allah knows while you know not." Although
I was bitter at being ousted from the Royal Guards, my dismissal turned
out to be a blessing in disguise. I was soon attached to the 8th Infantry
Battalion, which was then garrisoned in al-Ma`adiy I
was given so little to do that I was able to resume my studies and obtain
my law degree in 1927. In that year I was married for the first
time. Two years later I obtained my master's degree in political
economy, and in
1931, the year in which my daughter Samiyhah
was born, I obtained my master's degree in private law. I was on the point
of resigning from the Army when I was unexpectedly promoted to the rank
of Yuzbashiy (captain). My promotion so elated me
that I decided to remain in the Army instead of trying to start a private
law practice at the age of thirty. I later changed my mind again and began
to study for my doctorate with the thought of becoming a professor of political
economy. But from then on I had so little time to spare that I was unable
to produce an acceptable thesis. The best of the five theses I prepared,
"The Human aspects of the Army and Its Welfare," eventually served
as the basis of a course of lectures that I delivered at the Senior Officers'
School.
(To be continued)

At
the death of Sultan Husayn Kamil the succession to
the throne of Egypt posed a serious problem. The Sultan
Husayn’s
son, Prince Kamal al-Diyn, a shy recluse individual,
had voluntarily renounced his claims to the succession. The next possibility
was the Sultan's younger brother, the
49-year-old Prince
Ahmad Fuw’ad(1). He was far from satisfactory because
although he was no Anglophobe like his nephew `Abbas Hilmiy,
he had been brought up in Italy where he had gone into exile with
his father ‘Isma`iyl, spoke little Arabic and made no attempt
to hide his lack of sympathy for
Egypt or its problems (2).
Unlike Husayn Kamil (or `Abbas Hilmiy
for that matter) he was incapable of representing any section of Egyptian
opinion to England and this proved disastrous in the aftermath of the war.
But there was no obvious alternative and he was duly installed as SultanFuw’ad
I after Husayn Kamil's death in October 1917.
King Fuw’ad, the youngest son of the Khedive
‘Isma`iyl, had the temperament but not the aptitude of a royal
autocrat. He was ambitious but lacked the nerve to impose his authority
openly, and he was handicapped by his ignorance of the nation's character.
His talent was for backstairs intrigue and manoeuvre. It cannot be said
that he was deeply concerned with the welfare of his people.
Inevitably
the revival of Egyptian autonomy meant the recovery of some of the power
of the house of Muhammad `Aliy. In March 1922 SultanFuw’ad
assumed the title of King Fuw’adI of Egypt.
Because of Britain's privileged position in Egypt, Allenby
retained the title of high commissioner (al-Manduwb al-Samiy)
instead of becoming a regular ambassador (safiyr).
The
extent of the restoration depended upon the constitution that was to be
adopted and this was Egypt's first concern after the declaration
of independence. A constitutional commission of prominent politicians,
jurists, religious leaders and government officials was set up under the
chairmanship of Rushdiy Pasha, the wartime premier. After
six months the commission produced a draft constitution based on the Belgian
model and a draft electoral law providing for universal suffrage. The draft
constitution declared Egypt to be a sovereign independent state
with Islam its religion and Arabic its official language.
The legislature would consist of a Senate partly appointed by the King
and partly elected and a wholly elected Chamber of Deputies.

Article
23 declared "All authority derives from the nation," but despite
the clear intention of a majority of the commission to establish a constitutional
monarchy the final draft was a compromise to meet the ambitions of KingFuw’ad
(3), who had to ratify the constitution before it became law. Apart
from his right to appoint senators the monarch had the power to dissolve
parliament and to appoint and dismiss ministers. Nevertheless, KingFuw’ad
was dissatisfied and used his influence to have the draft amended to increase
his powers. Allenby felt obliged to intervene to restrain his attempts
to establish a royal autocracy by law. An even more controversial issue
was the attempt by the monarchist and nationalist members of the commission
to declare Fuw’ad King of Egypt and the Sudan. Allenby
went
as far as to threaten the king with deposition to coerce him into
accepting that Sudan should be dropped from his title -until authorized
delegations fixed the final status of the Sudan-.

The
1923
Constitution, as it became known, was finally promulgated on
19
April. The controversies over the constitution had forged an unnatural
and temporary alliance between the king and the Wafd
party,
who for fundamentally different reasons were opposed to the
Liberal
Constitutionalists who were Co-operating with Allenby. The
king succeeded in getting rid of Prime Minister `Abd al-KhaliqTharwat
pasha in November 1922 but he could only replace him with political
nonentities. Accordingly he turned to the Wafd for support although
it must have been with some apprehension about the consequences.
KingFuw’ad
temporarily accepted the dominance of the Wafd and bided his time.
For the remaining twenty-eight years
of the Egyptian monarchy the
same pattern was constantly repeated. Whenever there was a free election
under the 1923 Constitution the
Wafd invariably won a sweeping
victory. King Fuw’ad would then seek way's of ousting the
Wafd
from power and ruling without them. He would succeed for some time and
the Wafd was usually restrained from pursuing a full-blooded anti-monarchist
policy by the fear of a repetition of the
British intervention of 1882,
but the Wafd would always return in time because the
king
would fall out with the non-Wafdist politicians or because the British
Government, for its own reasons after the death of Sa`d Zaghluwl,
always favored the Wafd in power with Prime Minister Mustafa
al-Nahhas at its helm.
During
the 1930s, ‘Isma`iyl Sidqqiy emerged as the "strong
man" of Egyptian politics and an ardent opponent of the Wafd.
It was he who abolished the constitution in 1930 and drafted another
that enhanced the power of King Fuw’ad.
On
28 April 1936, King Fuw’ad died. Political intriguer
to the last, his final gesture of restoring parliamentary government had
not sufficed to make him popular. Since 1922 he had been a substantial
force in Egyptian political life but never as much of one as he wished.

(1)
In 1921 a Shaykh of al-Azhar remarked of the last three rulers
of Egypt: `Abbas Hilmiy was a Turkish Pasha, Husayn
Kamil an Egyptian farmer, and 'Ahmad Fuw’ad was an
Italian Count !'
(2
)When Fuw’ad first came to Egypt having been brought up abroad with
his exiled father the Khedive ‘Isma`iyl, he spoke little if any
Arabic; when he did learn Arabic he, spoke it with a foreign accent and
used foreign expression translated into Arabic, which consequently sounded
strange. Sultan Fuw’ad's ludicrous blunders in Arabic were
common currency in Cairo gossip. His voice was also an unfortunate dog-like
bark as a result of a shooting incident with his jealous brother-in-law
who was in love with his own sister, Fuw’ad's first wife.
(3)
"If you want this Bolshevik constitution then I claim all the powers and
privileges of a Lenin,' the king remarked to a leading member of the commission.
To the reply that it was not a Bolshevik but a democratic constitution
he retorted: 'Then I claim all the powers and privileges of the president
of the United States.' Ultimately his position was comparable to that of
a US President with the important difference that he did not have to stand
for election every four years. But he never forgave Allenby for imposing
constitutional government on him". Peter Mansfield, The British
in Egypt p.246 . Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1971

Queen
Nazliy was the daughter of `Abd al-Rahiym Pasha Sabriy,
Minister of Agriculture, she was betrothed at the age of 22 to
Fuw'ad who was a member of the khedive family,
and had just divorced his first wife. Shaykh al-'Azhar
Muhammad 'Abuw al-Fadl al-Giyzawiyy politely
declined to conduct the wedding ceremony, instead Shaykh
Muhammad Nagiy president of the High Religious Court
(al-Mahkamah al-Shar`iyyah) officiated at the marriage.
At the same time, her husband Fuw'ad
received the title of
Sultan by an order of a Firman from the Sublime Porte (Al-Bab
al-`Aliy). This title was accompanied by a gift valued
at £ 300 and a golden watch, which the new Sultan
unceremoniously passed on to his new wife as her (Mahr) dowry!!!
Her
wedding was shunned by her husband 's royal family, and was not celebrated
by the traditional singers nor musical performance. Instead, the
backdrop of the short ceremony was the sound of guns and the roaring shouts
of a country up in arms against the British occupants in the unprecedented
1919
Revolution.
In
February
of 1920, she gave birth to a son (Faruwq I) whom the
British High Commissioner General Allenby, in recognition of her
husband 's loyal services to the British Crown, unilaterally acknowledged
as the rightful heir to Egypt's throne.
Eventually
Nazliy became officially; the first Egyptian Queen
in modern times. Though her life as a Queen was utterly a
continuous misery. She was sheltered in an isolated royal Palace
with no contact with the outside world. Her life was monitored constantly
by the compulsive jealously of her husband and consequently she was chaperoned
for the next seventeen years by Madame Qatawiyy, the Royal
Chambermaid. Queen Nazliy gave birth to four children;
among them Faaruwq, the next king of Egypt and three
Royal princesses: Fawziyah, Fayzah, and Firiyal. During
the reign of her son king Faruwq I, the Queen mother had
a fallout with him and eventually went on a self imposed exile to the
United States of America where she lived until she died.
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